[Spellyans] Final -dh, final -th, final -v, final -f
craig at agantavas.org
Sat Aug 11 18:50:09 IST 2012
Place-names in West Cornwall usually give a good indication of what
Late Cornish did with such words.
<marhek, marhak> occurs in the Cornish name for Zennor Hill: this
was: Karnemorecke 1572; Karmarracke 1653; Carne Marrack 1832. No
sign of -g, and this is particularly significant as there is very
strong evidence of Cornish sill being a native vernacular in Zennor
parish c. 1840.
That <ryp, reb> became <reb> is evidenced by the place-name Morrab,
Penzance. BUT there is also Zawn Vorrap, St Levan. As names with
'Zawn' only date from the 16th century, this seems to indicate that
<ryp/rep> and <ryb/reb> co-existed in Late Cornish.
<medhek> 'doctor, surgeon' occurs in Tremethick, Madron, and
Parkenmethek (Colan) (1423). The former was Tremethek 1284, 1394
1451; Tremythek 1334; Tremethek 1522. Again, no sign of -g.
However, Trevithal (paul) seems to contain a related word as
qualifier. This was Trevethegal 1315, 1317, 1321; Trevethygel,
Trevethall 1389; Trevithal, Trevergal 1668; Trevithole 1696;
Trevidall 1725. I believe this element to be an extension of
<medhek>, perhaps a word meaning 'surgery', but the earlier references
show that, in such an extension K softened to G.
Make what you will of that evidence.
On 11 Est 2012, at 14:59, Daniel Prohaska wrote:
> Thanks for these, Nicholas…
> On Aug 11, 2012, at 11:55 AM, Nicholas Williams wrote:
>> As far as final unstressed g and b is concerned we have a number of
>> dyag TH
>> nownsag TH
>> methag TH
>> bothorag BK
>> golag BK (alongside golak)
>> yddrag, eddrag CW
>> kronag Lh
>> rowndenab BK.
>> Most of these are probably not significant statistically. Marreg
>> and gorthyb certainly are.
>> I dealt with gorryb in CT. One expects marhek and gorthyp and
>> indeed marrek is commoner than marreg.
>> There is a possible explanation for the apparent anomalous
>> phonology of marreg and gorryb.
>> Both marreg and gorryb have indeed got a voiced final, but they are
>> preceded in the same syllable by a devoiced r (it might be in the
>> preceding syllable, depending how one syllabifies). I assume that
>> in these two words the devoicing in the medial rh caused a
>> dissimilation to a voiceless segment in final position.
>> Schematically marxegh > marhegh > marheg where gh is a voiceless g
>> i.e. k.
>> The same would also hold for gorthyb: gorTyph > gorhybh > gorhyb
>> (where T = the voiceless interdental fricative and bh is a
>> voiceless b i.e. p).
>> Alongside eddrag, yddrag one finds edrack in CW.
>> There is in the texts also a form edrege from edregeth.
>> I have always assumed yddrag of CW to be a contamination of edrek
>> and edrege.
>> If unstressed -eg, -ag, -yg were allophonic variants of -ek, -ak, -
>> we would expect occasional examples of *bohosag, *colonneg,
>> *dewtheg, *Frynkeg, *galoseg, *hiretheg, *kentrevag, *Kernowag,
>> *lagasag, *lowenek, *Meryaseg, *moretheg, *metheg 'ashamed',
>> *Nadelag, *othommeg, *Sowsnag, *uthyg, etc. None occurs.
>> 'Sweet' is either whek, wheg, wheag or wheage. 'Harsh' is always
>> anwhek or anwek. Notice that the scribe of BK writes: Anwek lowan
>> ove suer BK 1508, where the final segment in the verb ove is [v]
>> not [f]. He could just have well written *anweg, but he didn't. And
>> anwek occurs in the previous line. There are no examples of wheg in
>> BK, but TH is contemporaneous with the manuscript of BK.
>> We thus have
>> wheg TH 2, 27a x 2, 28
>> anwek BK 1506, 1507.
>> Similarly in BK we have
>> mab BK 5, 170, 226, 233, 236, 240, 264, 308, 718, 781, 789, 824,
>> 1056, etc.
>> katap BK 2018, 2572, 2833.
>> There is further evidence that the opposition stressed vowel +
>> voiced obstruent ~ unstressed vowel + voiceless obstruent operates
>> right across the system. The name David has a final d, because it
>> is a medieval borrowing from English. There is also an earlier
>> variant Davith (cf. W Dafydd).
>> Twice the scribe of OM writes Davit for David, as though he found
>> it difficult to voice the final d after an unstressed vowel.
>> Similarly Tregear writes an profet Dauit TH 1.
>> On the other hand the English borrowing bad is always spelt bad, or
>> badd. The only exception is at RD 1885 where badt is made to give
>> an eye-rhyme with pilat.
>> On 11 Aug 2012, at 01:50, Daniel Prohaska wrote:
>>> OM ‹wortheb› (1x)
>>> BM ‹gorthyb› (2x), BK (7x)
>>> BK ‹worthyb› (7x)
>>> TH ‹gurryb› (1x), CW (3x)
>>> TH ‹gorrub› (1x)
>>> SA ‹orybe› (1x)
>>> SA ‹worryb› (1x)
>>> CW ‹gorthib› (1x)
>>> CW ‹worthib› (1x)
>>> Pryce ‹gorib› (2x)
>>> Pryce ‹wotheb› (2x)
>>> Pryce ‹wortheb› (1x)
>>> as opposed to:
>>> PA ‹worȝyp› (1x)
>>> PC ‹gorthyp› (2x), Pryce (2x)
>>> PC ‹worthyp› (4x), RD (2x)
>>> BK ‹gorthyp› (1x)
>>> Th ‹gurryp› (1x)
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